The American Sharpe Page 21
James enquired of the French farmers regarding the value and productivity of the land and betrayed his business acumen in rapidly calculating the financial yields.
9th Rode today to Malmaison, it is a pretty country seat. Lord Castlereagh is there. Could not get in and rode home across the country, which is very fine. It is principally vine land. I asked a great many questions about the price of land. The vine land on the hills (it is dearer there than on the flat), sells for from 1200 to 2000 francs per arpent.38 The arpent contains only 100 perches, the English acre 160. The rent is about 5 percent, an acre in a good year will make 20 pieces per acre, each piece worth 15 francs, so that the rent is about 100 francs and the produce worth 300. One peasant told me that he rents 45 perches (160 in an acre) at the rate of 80 francs per acre which he said contributed last year 30 francs. Meadow land sells for about 1500 francs per acre.
18th The pictures in the Louvre taken from foreign countries are to be restored as also the statuary and they have commenced taking them down39.
The commission made by Blucher & Wellington is much blamed, with what degree of justice I know not. Lord Wellington particularly is accused of want of firmness in the cabinet.
27th The waterworks of Versailles play today. The king will render himself very unpopular to the Parisians if he removes his court to Versailles. It is by several considerations of a country nature, that Bonaparte rendered himself popular in Paris, particularly by keeping his court there and by obliging the public functionaries to reside there.
A dreadful persecution is undertaken in the south of France amongst the protestants by people calling themselves royalist and the peasantry and armed bands of the worst kinds in some of the provinces are committing such outrages that the gentry are obliged to reside in cities40.
James wrote to Laura indicating that he was now tiring of Paris and had little good to say regarding the French.
Paris 4 September 1815
My dear Laura,
I believe I deserve your charge of laziness. I ought to have written to you before, however tho’ not actually busy I have been very much occupied here. You want to know what I think of Paris, I think it extremely well worth seeing, but now that I have seen it I am very anxious to get away from it. As a curiosity it is worth taking a great deal of trouble to see, but is the very last of all the cities I ever was in that I should like to set down for life in. it is not near so handsome as London but there are more public curiosities, that is to say at the present moment, for they consist entirely of stolen goods and are disappearing very fast. The gallery of the Louvre (which is the greatest curiosity in Paris, and which indeed is the most perfect thing of the kind in Europe, and consequently in the whole world) is made up entirely of plundered pictures. It is delightful to walk through it now and see the Prussians at work, and then to mark the ill concealed rage and wounded pride in the countenances of the Frenchmen. Whenever I see anyone who looks particularly angry I go up with as innocent a look as I can put on and ask why they are moving the pictures. ‘Oh I know nothing about it’ is the answer and the fellow starts off to avoid any further conversation on so sore a subject.
Those Prussians are exceeding fine fellows and Blucher is the only man who treats Frenchmen as they ought to be treated. Our worthy duke is very much abused for his lenity to the rascals. The Prussians, and indeed all foreign officers do not hesitate to say that he is little better than an old woman; as to winning battles, say they, who would not win battles with such troops as the British. However for my own part giving him credit as I certainly do for being the best general in the world, he is certainly no friend to his own army. I am completely disgusted with the French people. They say that the Emperor of Russia and the Duke of Wellington are the only friends that the Parisians have throughout Europe, and if as we are told the character of our friends reflects credit or discredit on us in proportion to their own, certainly the friendship of the Parisians is not one to boast of. For my own humble part, I cannot walk the streets without losing my temper, I do hate them so. Oh if I were absolute for twenty four hours. What a different people they are from those in the south of France, as a proof of that, there was a letter came the other day, written in the name of the whole of the inhabitants of Castelsarrasin, directed to our regiment saying that they heard that the regiment was engaged at Waterloo, and [that] they were exceedingly anxious to hear from those of their old friends who were fortunate enough to have escaped. I really am sorry to say that it is not the men only that I dislike here. The ladies are more provoking as they are more bitter in argument and talk of things that it is not possible they can know anything about.
One lady told me the other day that Englishmen do not know what patriotism is ‘You Englishmen’, says she ‘love your country as you do everything else, in a cool tranquil way, from principle as you call it, but you can have no conception of the excessive love that a Frenchman bears to his country’. Did you ever hear such stuff? I begged leave with all due deference to assure the lady that she knew nothing at all about it, that she had entirely mistaken the character of Englishmen. An Englishman, said I, whatever he does feel, he feels it deeply, he feels it with all his heart, but he feels quietly. It is the same with the French and English armies. The French army have done very little and made a great noise, the English army have done a great deal and said nothing about it. Her husband who is a French colonel, took a pinch of snuff and grinned horribly. I wish they would move us away from this into cantonments, the country about here is quite exhausted. So General Bonaparte is off at last for St Helena.
It is a pity, poor fellow, that they would not let him live quietly in England, I always thought him a coward, now I am convinced of it. He ought to have died like a soldier at Waterloo, then he would have been admired in after times as a hero, his faults would have been forgotten, and nothing would have been remembered but the great achievements which marked the commencement of his career and the glorious death which closed it. But he to whom by his own account agitation is life, and camps, horseback and fatigues are luxury, how will he brook ‘the waveless calm and slumber of the dead’41 which await him at St Helena? Followed moreover by the contempt of that world which he in pride of his greatness, trod on and despised. But leave him to his fate and to that oblivion which is to him the greatest of punishments. I am exceedingly obliged to those ladies who have done me the honour to take an interest in my fate. With respect to that Mr Tully you mention, I have no opportunity at present of ascertaining who he is, as Jock is not here, he is on his way from Brussels, quite recovered. How anxious poor Emily must have been, I shall let him know how she has felt, but I doubt not that she has written. Nancy Mallet’s death is a fortunate circumstance as her life was distressing to herself and family. Remember me to all friends. I hope to be with you in the course of the winter, I do not suppose affairs will be settled here for two or three months yet and then in the spring I hope to be in America. By the bye I do not see why you should take it for granted that if I go there you are never to see me again. Remember me to my aunt and all friends and believe me my dear Laura, your affectionate brother, JP Gairdner.
PS Edward Kemp42 called on me the other day but I have not been able to see him, he is always out.
James’ father had sent a letter immediately after the news that Britain and America were finally at peace. It is not clear if this was actually received, as it is not in the preserved papers. However his father wrote again in the September with a clear hope that he would soon see his son again.
James senior had not seen his son for a full ten years and with the end of the Waterloo campaign he was therefore very keen for James either to gain leave to come home or even to sell up his commission and return home permanently.
To Lieutenant J P Gairdner, 95th Regiment
New York, 10th September 181543
My dear James,
I wrote you immediately after the treaty of peace was ratified by Madison44, desiring you would meet me here, but soon after
heard of Bonaparte’s arrival in France and saw by the newspapers that your battalion was embarked for Belgium and since by the same, seen that you was wounded at the Battle of Waterloo. From the last return by Lord Wellington I flatter myself that your wound was slight and that you are now recovered. It is surprising your Uncle Gordon did not drop me a line, but I have not heard from him for a long time & still longer from your Aunt Jane who used to write frequently. I had a letter from my mother of 27 March which mentioned she was well. There is a report here that all the officers of Waterloo are to have a step, another that it is only the majors & captains45. You have not as yet got that length I suppose, the last battle will bring you nearer it, I have not seen an Army List for some time46. Before leaving home I directed a bill for two hundred pounds to be remitted to you. Let me hear from you how money matters are with you. I see parliament voted £800,000 to the army for prize money, but very little of that I suspect will fall to your share47. As no doubt the army will be reduced considerably, many who are so, will be wanting to purchase on full pay, you [will] find no difficulty in selling should you be inclined. If not you can easily get leave of absence, therefore expect to see you in Georgia very soon & in the meantime to find another from you by the army [post] which will be in less than a month. I remain, my dear James, your very affectionate father, James Gairdner.
September
19th, 20th, 21st There are many heavy transports now taking away the plundered property from the Louvre, the French therefore are savage, almost to madness and come in crowds to look at their misfortunes. How different would be the behaviour of an English public under such circumstances, they would rather avoid a sight, which must be humiliating, but the French find a vent for their sorrows in talking, they direct it entirely to the English.
24th Went to see Talma. The play was ‘Le genie en Autriche’. I do not like Talma’s style of acting at all, it is too ranty, noisy & declamatory, there are none of these nice touches, none of that strength reading which is so much admired on the British stage, for which Mrs Siddons,48 Kemble49 & Kean50 are so celebrated, in fact the boisterous passions are the only ones studied. The other principal performers were Lannat, [Pria?] & Madame & Madamoiselle Georges51 both, all these very good.
30th Fouche and Talleyrand have resigned. It is said that they refused to sign to the terms of peace proposed by the allies. Fouche must have had great influence to have kept in so long. He is the head of the Jacobin party who were always powerful, even under Bonaparte, both who when he was last on the throne were everything. Besides this Jacobin party are two others; the common Royalist party who are for the monarchy and the constitution or charter, at the head of which is the King and the Duke of Orleans. The other, or the Party of the princes, at the head of which are Monsieur, the Duke & Duchess of Angouleme, the Duke of Berri, this party consider the constitutional charter as encroaching too much on the privileges of royalty.
The royalist party it is said gain strength every day. The Duke de Richelieu is the new prime minister.52
October
4th Went to see the Panorama of Amsterdam, I thought it
exceedingly good, it represents that city during winter and the effect of light is admirably managed.
7th The chambers meet today.
11th We were ordered out to be reviewed today, it was a bad day, we were sent home again.
Finally James got his wish, as the army was marched into cantonments further away from Paris.
29th Marched to St Germain today, the whole army moves into cantonments.
30th Marched to our destination today, the headquarters of the division are at Meulan [en-Yvelines], the division is scattered about in different villages; our regiment occupied the villages of Vaux [sur-Seine] where the headquarters and three companies and a half are. Our company with another company and a half are at Evecquement, the officers are all in the chateau53 and are exceedingly comfortable. There is a very good library & the house contains every comfort we can wish for. It overlooks the Seine, the country in the neighbourhood is beautiful. It is about 10 leagues from Paris, I hope we may stay here a long time.
Given the extended stay in this neighbourhood and without the lively distractions of Paris, James proceeded to write a long passage with his thoughts on the differences between the French and the English:
The French have certainly a greater flow of animal spirits than the English, they act consequently less upon fixed principles, being more easily carried away by an artificial flow of enthusiasm, hence their great impetuosity at the commencement of an undertaking and the inconstancy with which they abandon it if opposed by calm steadiness. The character of the two nations cannot be better illustrated than by that of their respective armies. The French army at the period of the revolution, fired by the enthusiasm of newly recovered liberty, campaigned under all possible disadvantages, for want of equipment, commissariat &c but they were irresistible because the national impetuosity was at first attended with success & success kept enthusiasm alive. The political chiefs also intoxicated with success knew no end to their projects. To revolutionise the world, to overthrow royalty and all existing institutions, to make the population of the universe a French republic. But in all instances of defeat, how soon a French army has gone to pieces, witness Jourdan’s retreat, Bonaparte’s different retreats, nothing kept the French soldiers together as an army but the fear of their pursuers. Witness again the late action at Waterloo, with what enthusiasm was the French army inspired at the commencement of the campaign, with what impetuous courage they fought as long as that enthusiasm existed, but baffled by the steady constancy of their enemies, their enthusiasm once destroyed all powers of exertion were paralysed and there was no interval between supporting the cause of Bonaparte with all their energies of mind and body and giving up his cause entirely.
On the other hand mark the conduct of the British army, it like the nation in success or reverse had one fixed object, viz the emancipation of Spain, to conquer; an honourable peace. It never lost sight of this object and when the most complete success had crowned its efforts, its demands did not rise with its success, unlike the French when the first wars after the revolution were successful. There was no thought of extension of dominion, because the nation acted on the same fixed principle on which it set out to establish a balance of power, because they saw that the destruction of that balance was the cause of those evils, it had required so many efforts to remedy. No enthusiasm made them enlarge their views beyond that which on sober reflection they found necessary to their happiness. The French have more fire, animation, quickness, animal spirit, than the British. The British have more steadiness, firmness, perseverance, reflection &c than the French.
What is the cause, I cannot pretend to say, doubtless there are many, both moral & physical, which have concurred to form the characters of the two nations.
The military chamber of the ancient Gauls seems to bear a close resemblance to that of the modern inhabitants of the same country, being [descendants?] of the Gauls who invaded Italy. (Gallorum quilum corpora labous atque oestus culollerautpensa fuere premaque evorum fivelin plus quam vironum postrema munus quam foemi narum epe. Lib 10?)54
Machiavelli if I recollect might express nearly the same opinion on the French armies which have appeared in Italy under Charles XIII & Francis I.
A Parisian writer on Parisian manners (L’Hermite de la Chaussee d’Antin55) accuses his countrymen of losing daily that gaiety and lightness which used to be so peculiar to them and attributes it to the lateness of their meals according to the new fashion.
I am of opinion also that their inconsistency or rather inconstancy (the feature of character in which they differ much from the British as their lightness which some have abused and others have called agreeable), arises from a higher flow of animal spirits for vainquer [victorious] people are delicate, more by their feelings than their judgement inconstant.
It is well known that the more violent and impetuous the emotion executed is,
whether resentment, love or whatsoever nature it may be, the more violent it is at first the less likely it is to be lasting. The powers of the human mind like those of the body are circumscribed and cannot sustain efforts at once violent and durable. The more violent & excessive then the prolongation whether of the feelings or bodily strength, the greater the lassitude and void which follows.
Moreover the feelings are liable to be put in play and acted upon by all circumstances, however opposite they may be and the higher animal spirits a people are endowed with, the less liable are they to reflect and the more liable to be carried along with the crowd in their opinions, as well as feelings. Among such a people the few who do reflect and whose opinions, from their rank in life or their reputation for ability are most respected, are prone to lead the minds of the many, hence the power of fashion among the French, even in their judgements on literary subjects, they are too light, too gay, too frivole [frivolous] to think for themselves, but are content to take the opinion of a journal, for what they ought to think of this or that book, picture, theatrical representation &c.
There is another difference between the French and English arising partly from the commercial spirit of the one and the anticommercial spirit of the other, and partly from the greater degree of phlegm in the English or higher flows of animal spirit in the French, the difference I mean is that the society of the Englishman it is generally confined to people of his own profession or pursuit, but of the Frenchman is more general. Another effect arising from the same causes is that there are a greater number of idlers, I mean people living without possession or an annuity, for instance a Frenchman by inheritance or any other cause becomes possessed of a property yielding a moderate annuity, he is content to live in the capital or some other city or large town on that annuity, he becomes an idler & frequents coffee houses & public places, reads the journals, hears and mingles in conversations on all subjects and thus acquires that tact of society for which the French are generally speaking remarkable, above all other nations. The Englishman under the like circumstances whose friends and associates are people engaged in business of some kind, whose habits are formed and who from his phlegmatic nature cannot so easily as the more lively Frenchman acquire new habits and form new acquaintances, then further engages his capital in some new business or employs it to extend that bis[uiness] which he is already engaged, he becomes a richer man but not a man of the world. His associates are people like himself, engaged in some commercial pursuit in which their ideas as well as their time are absorbed, they have no conversations & understand no conversation but such as relates to their own immediate pursuits. The reserve of the Englishman arising from his phlegm or comparative want of animal spirits deters him from entering into conversation with people he does not know, or forming new acquaintances. In this state of isolation from general society, he acquires a shyness, an awkwardness which renders every effort at conversation among strangers painful to him.